Christianity and Kingship
The early medieval Church exerted a profound influence upon the kingdoms it evangelized. One might even say that the Church helped create what “kingdom” came to mean. Missionary work usually began with an appeal to the local ruler for permission to operate in his territory and for protection from hostile elements inside and outside the ruler’s territory. The social power of the ruler and his subordinate leaders was also important: if the king and the nobles became Christian, the common people were assumed would follow.
To take the Anglo-Saxons, the kings between Hengest and Horsa (mid-fifth century) and Æðelbeorht and Eadwine (beginning of seventh century) were not what kings eventually became. To be a cyning in the fifth or sixth century meant to be a drihten, a warlord. Kings ruled as much as their sword arm could cover. Each king had a hall, and within that hall some companions (þegnas). The thegns were not yet nobles, as the king was not yet royal. They were basically the king’s professional warriors. To pay them, the king had to have booty (minting of coined money having lapsed with the fall of Rome), either precious goods or land. A good king was a “ring-giver.” Acquiring booty meant waging war (mostly raiding, rather than conquest). The king’s primary job, then, was war – not governance. And kingdoms could be transitory; dynasties even more so. Who would rule after a king’s death was not a settled affair.
So Britain was divided into several petty kingdoms. Traditionally, there were seven (the Heptarchy), but there had been more than that. Kings fought to gobble up other kingdoms, and “England” considered as a whole was a long time a-borning. The missionaries came to each king in each kingdom one at a time. But to each king (and his nobles), they offered not only eternal life in Christ, but certain secular advantages.
For the Christian missionaries remembered their imperial past. They offered to the petty kings of Britain not only the example of Christ, the heavenly king, but also the example of the emperors of Rome. They brought the idea of purple robes and golden crowns to the kings they bespoke. These were the outward trappings of imperial majesty. They brought literacy and good record-keeping (particularly as regards land and money), but they also taught the kings to issue written law codes after the example of the emperor Justinian. And their view of what it meant to be a king offered the prize of legitimacy. A king had the right to enjoy what he possessed; but if he were a true king (in the Roman model), he had a right to possess it in the first place. The king was a product of law, as well as a guarantor of law. Which meant you could build for more than this generation, and hope to see your son – or at least, a member of your family – peacefully succeed you.
This shift in what it meant to be a king resulted also in a shift in what it meant to be a kingdom. The king’s rule was not only a matter of the king’s personal power, it was carried the responsibility of good governance. The “people” were united with each other because they were united with the king. There was the idea that the two depended on each other, and each owed certain things to the other.
The nobles became enthusiastic Christians. They were especially enthusiastic about founding monasteries. This is because in those days they expected to be able to nominate the abbots and abbesses, which gave them patronage powers for daughters and younger sons. They expected to be buried in the monastery church, too, which gave a powerful sense of dynastic communion to their descendants. By elevating the king and establishing his legitimacy, the Church inadvertently elevated his thegns and made them into aristocrats (rather than just thugs).
The Church was not cynical to do as it did. It was attempting to make disciples, as it always does, and it saw the kings and nobles as key to spreading the faith. The Church was also heir to a tradition, and possessed certain skills, that were of value to the pagan rulers it encountered. It all worked out very well. The English were converted to Christ so securely that we can only reconstruct Old English paganism from linguistic remains. We tend to forget this. For at the beginning of the ninth century, we see a new evangelistic methodology in Charlemagne’s conversion of the Saxons at swordpoint. After 800, pagans were to be conquered and forcibly converted, not wooed and won by the unarmed clerics. But of course, Charlemagne himself is the ultimate example of the apotheosis of early medieval kingship, for in 800 he was crowned Emperor of the Romans by the Pope, completing the process begun three hundred years earlier when his predecessor Clovis, King of the Franks, became a Christian. The coronation service for English (British) monarchs dates from 973, and has changed little. It was designed as a sacred rite by St. Dunstan for the coronation of King Edgar the Peaceable.
What else was gained in those years? Bishops were created and churches built in what had been each king’s royal burh. The country was covered with a network of monasteries, which engaged in further missionary activity and pastoral care. Preaching teams were sent to villages to meet in the marketplaces (the origin of the crosses erected there). People were instructed and baptized. Christian customs and festivals were introduced. As literacy in Roman letters (rather than runes) took hold, poets addressed themselves to the new faith; churchmen published sermons, Bible commentary, treatises on the calculation of Easter, and much else. And not just in Latin: the Anglo-Saxons wanted to pray and hear the word of God in their own language. The laity were not just herded into church and thereafter assumed to be Christian. Mission became ministry. And particularly in the case of Anglo-Saxon England, the now well-established Christians turned their attention to their near kin in Frisia and Saxony and began to send missionaries to begin the process among others who had not yet received the gospel. No doubt the Church often appeared greedy or run by prima donnas (not much has changed in 1400 years), but it was a healthy Church for all that: our spiritual forebears as Methodists.
To take the Anglo-Saxons, the kings between Hengest and Horsa (mid-fifth century) and Æðelbeorht and Eadwine (beginning of seventh century) were not what kings eventually became. To be a cyning in the fifth or sixth century meant to be a drihten, a warlord. Kings ruled as much as their sword arm could cover. Each king had a hall, and within that hall some companions (þegnas). The thegns were not yet nobles, as the king was not yet royal. They were basically the king’s professional warriors. To pay them, the king had to have booty (minting of coined money having lapsed with the fall of Rome), either precious goods or land. A good king was a “ring-giver.” Acquiring booty meant waging war (mostly raiding, rather than conquest). The king’s primary job, then, was war – not governance. And kingdoms could be transitory; dynasties even more so. Who would rule after a king’s death was not a settled affair.
So Britain was divided into several petty kingdoms. Traditionally, there were seven (the Heptarchy), but there had been more than that. Kings fought to gobble up other kingdoms, and “England” considered as a whole was a long time a-borning. The missionaries came to each king in each kingdom one at a time. But to each king (and his nobles), they offered not only eternal life in Christ, but certain secular advantages.
For the Christian missionaries remembered their imperial past. They offered to the petty kings of Britain not only the example of Christ, the heavenly king, but also the example of the emperors of Rome. They brought the idea of purple robes and golden crowns to the kings they bespoke. These were the outward trappings of imperial majesty. They brought literacy and good record-keeping (particularly as regards land and money), but they also taught the kings to issue written law codes after the example of the emperor Justinian. And their view of what it meant to be a king offered the prize of legitimacy. A king had the right to enjoy what he possessed; but if he were a true king (in the Roman model), he had a right to possess it in the first place. The king was a product of law, as well as a guarantor of law. Which meant you could build for more than this generation, and hope to see your son – or at least, a member of your family – peacefully succeed you.
This shift in what it meant to be a king resulted also in a shift in what it meant to be a kingdom. The king’s rule was not only a matter of the king’s personal power, it was carried the responsibility of good governance. The “people” were united with each other because they were united with the king. There was the idea that the two depended on each other, and each owed certain things to the other.
The nobles became enthusiastic Christians. They were especially enthusiastic about founding monasteries. This is because in those days they expected to be able to nominate the abbots and abbesses, which gave them patronage powers for daughters and younger sons. They expected to be buried in the monastery church, too, which gave a powerful sense of dynastic communion to their descendants. By elevating the king and establishing his legitimacy, the Church inadvertently elevated his thegns and made them into aristocrats (rather than just thugs).
The Church was not cynical to do as it did. It was attempting to make disciples, as it always does, and it saw the kings and nobles as key to spreading the faith. The Church was also heir to a tradition, and possessed certain skills, that were of value to the pagan rulers it encountered. It all worked out very well. The English were converted to Christ so securely that we can only reconstruct Old English paganism from linguistic remains. We tend to forget this. For at the beginning of the ninth century, we see a new evangelistic methodology in Charlemagne’s conversion of the Saxons at swordpoint. After 800, pagans were to be conquered and forcibly converted, not wooed and won by the unarmed clerics. But of course, Charlemagne himself is the ultimate example of the apotheosis of early medieval kingship, for in 800 he was crowned Emperor of the Romans by the Pope, completing the process begun three hundred years earlier when his predecessor Clovis, King of the Franks, became a Christian. The coronation service for English (British) monarchs dates from 973, and has changed little. It was designed as a sacred rite by St. Dunstan for the coronation of King Edgar the Peaceable.
What else was gained in those years? Bishops were created and churches built in what had been each king’s royal burh. The country was covered with a network of monasteries, which engaged in further missionary activity and pastoral care. Preaching teams were sent to villages to meet in the marketplaces (the origin of the crosses erected there). People were instructed and baptized. Christian customs and festivals were introduced. As literacy in Roman letters (rather than runes) took hold, poets addressed themselves to the new faith; churchmen published sermons, Bible commentary, treatises on the calculation of Easter, and much else. And not just in Latin: the Anglo-Saxons wanted to pray and hear the word of God in their own language. The laity were not just herded into church and thereafter assumed to be Christian. Mission became ministry. And particularly in the case of Anglo-Saxon England, the now well-established Christians turned their attention to their near kin in Frisia and Saxony and began to send missionaries to begin the process among others who had not yet received the gospel. No doubt the Church often appeared greedy or run by prima donnas (not much has changed in 1400 years), but it was a healthy Church for all that: our spiritual forebears as Methodists.